poză de Dan Gaftone |
This summer’s 4th
Annual Telciu Summer Conference was titled “Beyond East and West: Decolonizing Modernization” and
took place June 24-25, 2015. Although the tradition of hosting international academic
conferences is an already established tradition in the Transylvanian village of
Telciu, this year’s was the first in a planned series of symposia that propose
to examine modernity in its various historical hypostases and global
iterations. In a manner consonant with the location, next year’s conference will
focus on the intertwined themes of “rurality and modernity”. The call for
papers, as well as details about a summer school on the same theme designed
primarily for undergraduate students, will be publicized at an appropriate
time.
Taking as a point of departure the need to explicate the
power/knowledge mechanisms which frame understandings of “modernity” and
configure uneven processes of socio-economic modernization, the papers
presented this summer encompassed a variety of distinct yet complementary
perspectives. These ranged from analyses that focused on the historical and
epistemic (re)construction of colonial-type mechanisms and systems to investigations
that highlighted the social hierarchies and structural violence inherent in the
colonial matrix of power. The latter approach presupposed that this matrix
persisted, albeit in modified forms, even after the end of formal colonial
rule.
Considerations of space preclude describing the more
than 20 contributions organized around thematic panels. What follows,
therefore, is a critical précis and rejoinder to some of the papers presented.
These contributions were not selected based on their perceived superior merits,
but according to this writer’s academic interests. It is worth nothing,
however, that the conference’s overall intellectual level was good though of
course not always consistent. These inconsistencies, I would argue, are in
themselves revealing, illustrating both the strengths and potential pitfalls
inherent in theoretical approaches favoured by the participants. The latter
point became evident both in the course of the individual presentations and
during the ensuing lively and multi-vocal debates. Consequently, a good place
to start our review is Ovidiu Ţichindelean’s keynote address and, which was
titled “A Case for Decolonial Romania and Europe”. Therein he outlined the key
features of decolonial theory – already sketched in the paragraph above – and worked
through some of its practical implications for doing scholarship in and about
the above-mentioned geographical areas.
One of the key points that emerged is that Europe was
the centre for a variety of imperial systems, each with its own distinct
features and systems of domination. The histories of Central and Southeaster
Europe, in particular, were shaped by multiple imperial legacies, which
certainly included the application of Soviet-like models of social
modernization. This poses significant challenges for researchers interested in
applying the insights provided by postcolonial and subaltern studies to the
regions in question. This is because these bodies of scholarship were developed
in order to account for the experience of British colonialism and its successor
states and, to a somewhat lesser extent, the history of Latin America. A
wholesale and non-reflexive application of this theoretical corpus to different
historical and socio-cultural contexts would be decidedly unhelpful, no matter
how well developed this body of theory might be. A brief example suffices in
order to illustrate this observation. Until the series of 19th
century westernizing reforms, Ottoman power/knowledge was quite different than
its occidental counterparts. More specifically, there was no rule of colonial
difference predicated on western notions of race since Ottoman social and
political identities tended to be more fluid. Nonetheless, the analytical focus
on the ways in which modernity is negotiated in various socio-cultural contexts,
as well as the interdisciplinary concern with the social and political
inequalities that configure subject-making and subject agency, make for
potentially fruitful intersections between “Europe” as a unit of analysis and
the above-mentioned theoretical corpus.
Accordingly, Norbert Petrovici analyzed the ways in
which scholars from both the West and the East constructed the epistemic
framework for analysing the post-socialist transition in Central and Eastern
Europe. The thesis of this sophisticated though occasionally dense paper, titled
“Framing Criticism and Knowledge
Production in Semi-peripheries: Postsocialism Unpacked” was that the
elaboration of a sharp dichotomy between socialism and post-socialism
transformed the region into an epistemic enclave. The “self-orientalizing
narratives” produced by the CEE scholars, Petrovici further contended, helped
them forge alliances with academics based in the West. These alliances were
predicated on taking the “East out of the normal flow of history” and in this
way (re)produced asymmetries between the core and its academic
peripheries.
On its part, Veda Popovici’s and Ovidiu
Pop’s “The Postponed Belonging. A short
history of the awareness of the
periphery and the desire for Europe in the national Romanian construct” offered a complementary analysis to
Petrovici’s by focusing on the perception of a temporal lag between Romania and
Western Europe. The awareness of being part of the European periphery, they
argued, was internalized by Romanian nationalist elites and thus became a
central motif of Romanian national identity. There is much to be said about
this paper, whose principal merit was to suggest new and stimulating lines of
inquiry into the structure of Romanian nationalism. At the same time, the
presentation was vigorously critiqued, mostly by this writer but also by
others, for its lack of attention to specific historical contexts, as well for
its insufficiently reflexive application of decolonial theory. It is all very
well, the critique went, to highlight in one fell swoop what might be termed the
“double consciousness” (sicut W.E.B.
Du Bois) exhibited by the 1848 revolutionary ethos, the Junimist critique of
forms without substance, the interwar national ontologies linked to fascism, Ceauşescu’s
ethno-nationalism, as well as the “non-critical Europeanism” of the
post-socialist period. But is worth bearing in mind each of these ideological projects
elaborated its own distinct sense temporality. In order to avoid the risk of essentializing
Romanian nationalism, these temporalities would need to be elucidated by doing
conceptual history in the classic and therefore rigorous sense of the term. At
the time the paper was presented and defended there was no evidence that the
authors contemplated such an approach.
By contrast, Emanuel Copilaş presented
a balanced and nuanced analysis whose theme was “National-communism for Export:
Ceauşescu’s Romania, the Third World and the ‘New World Order’”. Eschewing
ritualistic condemnations of national communism, whose repressive aspects were
taken as self-evident, Copilaş framed the regime’s tier-mondisme both as
a means to consolidate its dissidence from Moscow and as a move to assert
global influence by offering a model of socio-economic modernization suitable
for adoption by other developing countries. Had Copilaş more explicitly linked
Ceauşescu’s ideological tier-mondisme with the practical aspects
of his internal model of “multilateral socialist development”, he would have articulated
an even stronger analysis. After all, much of the nuts and bolts of his foreign
policy involved securing natural resources for the nascent Romanian
petrochemical industry and lucrative markets for Romanian industrial products
(including arms).
Finally, there was a series of papers
which fit well in this year’s theme and also anticipate next year’s focus on the
rural world. Alina Branda’s fine presentation, titled “Beyond East and West, Anthropology
as Intercultural Dialogue”, detailed the re-articulation of anthropological
discourse in response to the global process of decolonization which already was
fully underway by the late 1960s. Branda argued that a similar process of
reconfiguring social-scientific concepts and goals by means of cross-cultural
fertilization took place in interwar Romania, as exemplified by the Bucharest
Sociological School. The theoretical and empirical apparatus of the Gustian
School, which it developed in its quest to bring about a thoroughgoing social
modernization of the Romanian village, was just such an example of intercultural
dialogue. It was, on the one hand, influenced by the intellectually dominant
German and French sciences of the nation. On the other hand, monographic
sociology evolved both in response to the conditions of life in the Romanian
countryside and as part of the Gustian strategy to position sociology as the
pre-eminent science of the Romanian nation by rendering other social scientific
disciplines ancillary to the monographic endeavor. (continuarea aici)
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